About Shabtis and Ushabtis
Concept and Development
The role of shabtis is rooted in the principle of substitution that is fundamental to Egyptian art: an image or a representation of a thing or person was capable of serving as whatever or whomever was shown. Because the afterlife was so closely patterned on daily life, it was thought that substitutes for the deceased were required to allow the blessed dead to enjoy a labor-free existence. Even the elite needed shabtis in the afterlife because, at least in theory, all Egyptians were obliged to work on the irrigation dikes and basins that were owned by the state.1
The concept of shabtis developed over the more than two thousand years they were used.[1] The first examples date to the Middle Kingdom, at which time they were individually sculpted, mummiform representations of the tomb owner that represented the deceased as a sah (transfigured being) who dwelled in the realm of the gods. In that period, they were usually made of wood. Their identification with the deceased is borne out by the figurines being placed in miniature coffins that imitated the style of contemporary coffins.2
By the Second Intermediate Period and early New Kingdom, some shabtis continued to represent the deceased, while others were servants who worked on his or her behalf. These figurines are equipped with tiny agricultural tools and also may be inscribed with Spell 6 from the Book of the Dead that calls upon shabtis to perform labor on behalf of the deceased. This role as servant is especially clear in Dynasty 19, when the figurines began to be deposited in tombs in multiples. At this time, there were two different types of figures—mummiform workers with tools in their hands, and overseers who wear a kilt or tunic and often carry a whip to goad the workers. The identification of the figurines as anonymous laborers rather than the deceased is supported by a receipt for shabtis in which the figurines are referred to as “male and female servants.”[2]3
By the Third Intermediate Period, the term for this type of figurine had changed to ushabti, derived from the ancient word for “answer,” since they were believed to respond to the deceased’s call for service. Elite tombs were ideally supplied with 401 ushabtis—one for each of the 365 days of the year, with an additional 36 for overseers (one for each of the 10-day weeks in the ancient Egyptian calendar). Because of their sheer numbers, they were commonly molded from faience or pottery. During this period, their identity changed yet again, as indicated by the brief inscription on the figurine that indicated that it was a substitute for the deceased, alleviating him from the obligation to work.4
By the Late Period, ushabtis can be documented only in the northern part of the country as far south as Abydos, but most of them come from the area of Memphis. With few exceptions, they are molded of faience. Beginning in the reign of Psamtek I (664 BCE), ushabtis have a very uniform appearance, with a pedestal under the feet and a back pillar (in contrast to the shabtis in cats. 37–40) that imitates the form of contemporary coffins and, by extension, refers to the idea of mummy as an imperishable statue. Although of varying size and quality, ushabtis of this period generally have long, slender bodies, a long false beard, and hands that are crossed across the chest. They also hold agricultural tools, either a pair of hoes or, after the reign of Psamtek II, a hoe and an agricultural pick (see cats. 41–42). They frequently hold the rope of a seed bag, which on these examples is visible next to the hoe on the ushabti’s front left shoulder. The uniformity in style exhibited by these ushabtis may be due to a reduced number of workshops that were responsible for producing the figurines and a resulting lack of regional artistic diversity. In this period, the inscription usually occurs in horizontal lines curving around the body from one edge of the back pillar to the other.[3]5
Although the identity of the figurines fluctuated over time—from representations of the deceased, to servants, to substitute laborers for the deceased—their ubiquity is a hallmark of Egyptian funerary provisions. Once established as a part of funerary beliefs, shabtis and ushabtis remained a standard component of tomb furnishings. These figurines vary in craftsmanship, technique, and material—from masterly individual sculptures in fine materials (like cat. 37), to carefully molded figurines with exquisite detail (see cats. 41–42), to simple forms made of molded and fired or pinched and unbaked clay—they nevertheless were all considered to be equally effective. As manifestations of a religious system that was adopted by people ranging from the high elites to those of relatively modest means, this uniformity of function and diversity of execution is not surprising. Indeed, it is a defining characteristic of Egyptian art.6
Manufacture
A few surviving records indicate that these figurines were made in specialized workshops attached to temples or the palace, rather than in private workshops. A papyrus in the British Museum states that a set of faience shabtis was made by the Chief Modeler of Amulets in the Temple of Amun, indicating that the artisans specialized in certain materials, in this case molded faience, rather than in a specific type of object.[4] It is assumed that the ritual of the Opening of the Mouth was performed over these figurines to animate them, just as was done for larger statues and the mummy itself (for a depiction of this ritual, see cat. 10). Although some examples were commissioned for specific individuals who are named by inscription, others were made to be sold to a broad market and have a blank space where the name of the owner could be added later.[5]7
- The latest known shabti is that of Pasheryenptah, a High Priest of Memphis in the reign of Cleopatra VII (41 BCE). See Hans D. Schneider, Shabtis: An Introduction to the History of Ancient Egyptian Funerary Statuettes with a Catalogue of the Collection of Shabtis in the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden (Leiden: Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, 1977), 1:245.
- John H. Taylor, Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egypt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 116.
- In the Persian Period (525–404 BCE) that followed and especially in Dynasty 30, the text is very abbreviated and is usually arranged in two short lines in the form of a “T.” See Schneider, Shabtis: An Introduction, 1:176.
- Papyrus of Padikhons (Dynasty 22; British Museum, London, EA 10800). See Taylor, Death and the Afterlife, 116.
- See, for example, a shabti of Mekiretef (ISAC Museum, Chicago, E8101; published in Thomas George Allen, trans., The Egyptian Book of the Dead: Documents in the Oriental Institute Museum at the University of Chicago [Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1960], 62, pl. 112; Jean M. Evans, Jack Green, and Emily Teeter, eds., Highlights of the Collections of the Oriental Institute Museum [Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 2017], 98).
Emily Teeter, “About Shabtis and Ushabtis,” in Ancient Egyptian Art at the Art Institute of Chicago by Emily Teeter and Ashley F. Arico, ed. Ashley F. Arico (Art Institute of Chicago, 2025), https://doi.org/10.53269/9780865593213/10.
© 2025 by The Art Institute of Chicago. This work is licensed under a CC BY-NC 4.0 license: creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/.