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Cat. 26

Statuette of Wadjet or Sekhmet


Late Period, Dynasty 26 (664–525 BCE)

Ancient Egyptian

Copper alloy; 14.5 × 4.5 × 3 cm (5 3/4 × 1 1/4 × 1 3/16 in.)

The Art Institute of Chicago, purchased with funds provided by Henry H. Getty and Charles L. Hutchinson, 1892.132

This seated, lion-headed goddess is shown wearing a large sun disk with a uraeus serpent whose body trails over the top of her head. This statuette shows the ingenuity of Egyptian artists when trying to superimpose the face and mane of a lioness upon the traditional tripartite wig. Here, the wig’s front tresses, which take the form of vertical ringlet curls, emerge from the lower edge of the ruff of the mane. A beaded collar is represented between the lappets of the wig, but not on her shoulders. The goddess’s face has fine detail, with prominent pupils and whiskers on the sides of her muzzle. She wears a tight-fitting gown that accentuates her navel. The dress has no detail and is perceptible only from the hemline above her ankles. The goddess rests her hands on her lap. Her left hand is pierced to hold a now-lost scepter that was probably a flower-topped standard. Her right hand is fisted and lies flat alongside her thigh. Her feet rest on a trapezoidal base from which a rectangular 1.3 cm long tang extends from the bottom, allowing the statuette to be attached to a separate, throne-shaped base, now lost. The statuette is solid cast. The sun disk, which is convex on both sides, was cast as a separate piece and soldered or brazed to the top of the head and the ears.1

The front and proper right side of the base (only) are inscribed with a text that is banded with incised lines on top and bottom. It reads: the “[lion-headed] goddess gives life [to] Djedbastetinek[sy], son of Psamtek.[1] The donor’s name means “Bastet says she is mine.” The text presents some problems in interpretation. The name Djedbastetinek[sy], despite the use of a feminine “she,” was also used by men, leaving the gender of the donor ambiguous.[2] Further, the single hieroglyph for the lion-headed goddess, 𓁴, which is positioned on the front surface of the base to function as a label for the statuette, could convey either Wadjet or Sekhmet because no further phonetic values are given. The name of the donor’s father Psamtek which was very common in Dynasty 26, suggests that date for this statuette.2

Identification of the Deity

It can be very difficult to identify feline-headed statues because they can represent deities that are male (Mahes or Horus of Pe [see cat. 33]) or female (most commonly Sekhmet, Wadjet, or Mut).[3] This example is clearly a goddess because of her breasts and dress. Here, the headgear is not diagnostic because Sekhmet, Wadjet, and Mut all can wear a sun disk with uraeus. Bernard Bothmer attempted to make a clear differentiation between these statues based on pose. He concluded that the seated figures were Wadjet and the standing ones were Sekhmet.[4] Part of his rationale is that the throne of some of the seated examples served as a container for bones of an ichneumon (mongoose), an animal associated with Wadjet, and indeed, some of those statuettes were inscribed for her.[5] More recently, Katja Weiß has argued against such a clear definition.[6] She notes the hundreds of stone statues of seated, feline-headed goddesses with sun disks from Thebes (modern Luxor) that are clearly images of Sekhmet, suggesting that the pose alone is not diagnostic. Further, she emphasizes that the provenance of the statuette must also be considered, especially if the object lacks an identifying inscription. For example, standing, lion-headed statues from Buto, a center of the worship of Wadjet, certainly represent that goddess.3

The Chicago example poses further issues with its identification. Although seated, it is not attached to a throne-shaped base that might serve as a container for bones, so it falls outside of Bothmer’s corpus.[7] The inscription does not help identify the goddess because, rather than the expected names Wadjet or Sekhmet, her name is not written phonetically but instead with the hieroglyph of a generic, seated goddess with a disk on her head holding an ostrich feather.[8] The statue also has no provenance that might have been an aid to its identification. Because there are no sure diagnostic features, it is probably best to classify it as either Wadjet or Sekhmet.4

The sun disk worn by both Sekhmet and Wadjet marks them as daughters of the sun god Re. Sekhmet was associated with war, plague, and pestilence. She was one of the few deities who had a destructive nature, although Egyptian myths say that her anger was easily assuaged by beer and music. Her primary mythical association is the tale of “The Destruction of Mankind,” in which she vowed to kill humankind because they plotted against her father Re.[9] In the effort to avert this massacre, the gods dyed vats of beer red and poured it over the land. Thinking it was the blood of the rebels, Sekhmet lapped it up, and in her drunkenness her anger abated. Sekhmet had an ambivalent nature; she could be a raging lioness, or a docile, domestic cat represented by the cat-headed Bastet, an observation clearly based on the behavior of ancient (and modern) house cats.5

Wadjet was the major deity of northern Egypt whose cult center was Buto in the north-central Delta. She was revered as the patron deity of northern Egypt, and in her form of a cobra-headed bird she hovers protectively over the king. Like Isis, she suckled and guarded the young Horus. Some bronze and faience figurines show her with her hands to her breast or nursing Horus, alluding to that role.[10]6

For more on copper alloy statuettes, see About Copper Alloy Statuettes.7

Provenance

Martin A. Ryerson (1856–1932), Chicago, 1890; transferred to the Art Institute of Chicago, 1892.8

Publication History

Thomas George Allen, A Handbook of the Egyptian Collection (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923), 104.
9


Notes

  1. For the construction of this formula, see Sven P. Vleeming, Some Coins of Artaxerxes and other Short Texts in the Demotic Script found on Various Objects and Gathered from Many Publications, Studia Demotica 7 (Peeters: Leuven, 2001), 250–53.
  2. See Erhart Graefe, Untersuchungen zur Verwaltung and Geschichte der Institution der Gottesgemahlin des Amun vom Beginn des Neuen Reiches bis zur Spätzeit (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1981), 1:169–70; Zakareya R. Abdelmaguid, “Two Wooden Stelae from the Cairo Museum (JE 18651 & JE 4886),” Shedet 2 (2015): 77–81. I thank Ashley Arico for the latter reference and for the correction of the reading of the donor’s name.
  3. Although a lion-headed female can be Mut, she is rarely associated with copper alloy statues in that form. For a catalogue of lion-headed female copper alloy statues see Katja Weiß, Ägyptische Tier- und Götterbronzen aus Unterägypten: Untersuchungen zu Typus, Ikonographie und Funktion sowie der Bedeutung innerhalb der Kulturkontakte zu Griechenland (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 2012), 704–14. Weiß’s catalogue includes only one lion-headed female copper alloy statue inscribed for Mut. Ibid., 713–14, no. 695.
  4. Bernard V. Bothmer, “Statuettes of Wꜣḏ.t as Ichneumon Coffins,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 8, no. 2 (April 1949): 121–23.
  5. Bothmer, “Statuettes of Wꜣḏ.t as Ichneumon Coffins,” 121. On ichneumons in general, see Emma Brunner-Traut, “Ichneumon,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, vol. 2, ed. Donald B. Redford (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 149.
  6. Weiß, Ägyptische Tier- und Götterbronzen, 253, 705–14. Of the thirty statuettes of a lion-headed goddess in Weiß’s catalogue (Types 143–45), she notes that six of the seated examples with inscriptions are identified as Wadjet (nos. 670–72, 674, 676, 694), one is identified as Mut (no. 695), and none are identified as Sekhmet. Most (nos. 666, 669, 675, 677–80) lack an inscription that definitively identifies the goddess. Of the standing statues, one is identified as Wadjet (no. 686), two as Sekhmet (nos. 688–89), and none as Mut. No. 667 is identified as Sekhmet, although the inscription does not mention her. Nos. 682–87, 690, 692, 693 lack any identifying inscription.
  7. The lack of an integral throne is unusual, although not unattested, for these lion-headed statues. The absence of an integral throne with the Chicago statuette may be because it was not intended to serve as a container. Or, on a more practical level, it was perhaps a means of reducing the cost of the figurine by using less bronze for the base.
  8. Thomas George Allen, A Handbook of the Egyptian Collection (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923), 104. Allen also doubted that the goddess depicted in the Chicago statuette was named in the inscription, writing: “On the pedestal of [18]92.132 is a partially illegible inscription in which the name of the deity addressed is doubtful.
  9. On this tale, see Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature: A Book of Readings, vol. 2, The New Kingdom (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 197–99.
  10. See Georg Steindorff, Catalogue of the Egyptian Sculpture in the Walters Art Gallery (Baltimore: Walters Art Gallery, 1946), 125, nos. 512 (Wadjet holding her breasts), 513 (Wadjet nursing young Horus).

How to Cite

Emily Teeter, “Cat. 26 Statuette of Wadjet or Sekhmet,” in Ancient Egyptian Art at the Art Institute of Chicago by Emily Teeter and Ashley F. Arico, ed. Ashley F. Arico (Art Institute of Chicago, 2025), https://doi.org/10.53269/9780865593213/41.

© 2025 by The Art Institute of Chicago. This work is licensed under a CC BY-NC 4.0 license: creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/.

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